Center for Peace, Democracy and Development

Archive for the 'Mali' Category

US Policy in Africa : Through the Lens of Anti-Terrorism

Posted in Africa, Education, Mali, Peacebuilding, Terrorism, Tuaregs with tags , , , , on November 26, 2012 by michaelkeating

by

Michael Keating

 

Here is a rare public presentation by the leader of the US Military’s Africa Command (Africom), General Carter F. Ham. While there is nothing surprising here there is commentary on the U.S. military’s position on the upcoming effort to oust rebels from Northern Mali.  The General makes no bones about the fact that it is a very complicated situation given the intertwining of criminal, terrorist and political actors.

I think you are right to identify the presence of illicit networks, illegal trafficking in persons and drugs and weapons, financing – this is certainly present in the same region and the networks upon which that illicit trafficking is conducted are the same networks that support the terrorist organizations operating in northern Mali. One of the efforts that I think is important in an overall campaign plan – not just military – are to find opportunities to separate out the criminal aspects, separate out the politically motivated entities, and focus specifically on the terrorist presence and deal with the political in different ways.

The General goes on to say that he views the planning as an African affair with strategic inputs from the Americans and Europeans, presumably the French. He makes no mention of Special Forces involvement of the kind that is underway in Central Africa in the pursuit of Joseph Kony, but then again he is unlikely to telegraph strategy at a public gathering.

While the opportunities for a negotiated settlement seem dim, it is not at all clear that a force of ECOWAS alone troops will be trained and equipped  enough to oust a band of heavily armed determined fighters who have had two years to dig in. Furthermore, as the discussion reveals, there is still no plan for the after-battle.

Winning the peace is not yet on the ECOWAS drawing board.

So What’s a Tuareg?

Posted in Africa, Mali, Tuaregs with tags , on April 11, 2012 by michaelkeating

So what is a Tuareg? If you are like most of the world you might know Tuareg as a brand of SUV put out by Volkswagon. If you are a jewelry aficionado you might have seen or purchased some of their intricate silver and stone designs which are currently very much in vogue. If you are a world music lover you may listen to Tuareg musicians like Bambino, who performed last week in Portsmith, NH and before that in  Paris and elsewhere, or the group Tinariwen who are something of an international sensation and have performed with groups like Carlos Santa and TV On the Radio. If you are a French nuclear power plant operator you may know the Tuaregs as the people inconveniently living in the outback of Niger where France gets a great deal of its uranium from. If you are a Libyan you may know Tuaregs as mercenaries fighting on both sides of the recent rebellion. If you ever wondered where Timbuktu is, it’s right in the Tuareg catchment inside Mali and it is now part of the nascent Republic of Azawad which was declared last week by the political wing of National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad.

In short, Tuaregs are not very well known but here are a few facts about them. They are a non-Arabic nomadic Berber pastoralist tribespeople spread out across at least six African countries. For the most part they practice a very specific, non-fundamentalist form of Islam that allows a great deal of freedom for women and they have absolutely nothing in common with the folks at Al-Qaeda or any other Islamic sect intent on imposing their views on others. In the Malian conflict certain radical Islamic groups have sought to undermine or even co-opt Tuareg leadership and this has led to confusion and an inaccurate pairing of Tuareg political goals and radical Islamic jihad fantasies.

Most westerners are probably unaware that the Tuaregs have been fighting low-level insurgencies in  Niger and Mali for the past several decades and the events in Mali are a culmination of a long process of attempted negotiation, broken promises and attempts by successive regimes in Mali and Niger to smash Taureg resistance. Like the Kurds in the Middle East the Tuaregs have been marginalized and in some cases oppressed in each of the countries where they live and the attempt to establish an independent country for themselves in Mali should not necessarily be dismissed as either quixotic or without justifiable reasoning.

Michael Keating

Making Sense of the Coup in Mali

Posted in Democratic Development, Education, Human Rights, Mali with tags on March 27, 2012 by michaelkeating
The promises of the Malian coup sound all too reminiscent. The plotters have claimed their actions are based on the incompetency of the present Malian government to address the insecurity in the northern region of the country. In their address to the nation, the coup plotters claimed that their objective was “not in any way aimed to confiscate power”, but “to return power to a democratically elected president as soon as national unity and territorial integrity is established”. But most African nations that have experienced military regimes know too well how these promises are rarely kept. The coup plotters have suspended the Malian constitution and dissolved all democratic institutions in Mali, yet the group refers to themselves as the National Committee for the Restoration of Democracy and State. Is the military in Mali telling its people that it decides how democracy is practiced in Mali? We thought that democracy is about expanding frontiers of freedom and that no one can draw the line and say this is democracy… period.
              In all this mayhem, the most disturbing aspects of these acts act are that: 1) Mali is the longest serving democracy in the West African region and 2) the country was just set to hold an election next Month when the present president, Amadou Toumani Toure, would likely have handed over power to the next elected president of the country. The coup plotters have claimed to address the issue of the insecurity in the northern region in the country; however, we do not see the new military regime achieving that without the impunity and violation of human right  that characterize so many military regimes. The plotters claim seems to suggest that the president doesn’t know how to govern the country as far as the security question in the north goes. In other words, it’s not for the people to determine who can govern Mail but the military. Of course, it is too soon to assume that the coup plotters already have control over the country judging by the ranks of the officers who executed the coup. The actions by these officers are a threat to the Malian armed forces  as many senior army officers  will have to look for new employment should the coup succeed. This will definitely lead to a conflict that might escalate to warring factions within the military in Mali and it is the Malians who will bear much of the impact, both on their security and development.
             Thus, Mali is faced with two bad options: one, having their democratic institutions violated by a small group of persons who, if they succeed, will have their human rights and basic human needs in jeopardy which has generally been the characteristic of  military regimes or, two, ambushed into a violent confrontation within its armed forces that will be fought on the streets of Mali in the midst of ordinary citizens having the most impact on women and children. Either outcome will significantly impact the development in Mali, though Mali is still one of the poorest countries in the world; development has been significant in the region primarily due to the democratic institutions in the country.
Should Mali escape this quagmire this situation highlights the need for African countries to enact better laws to ensure civilian control of the military. There is the need to change people’s mindsets that the army is the major force in Africa and somehow they can just intervene into the internal workings of the legislative bodies.
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Afis Alao and Denis Bogere are graduate students in the Dept. of Conflict Resolution, Human Security and Global Governance at UMass Boston.